By Laurence NARDON
Following US Vice President J.D. Vance’s hostile speech At the Munich Security Conference in February and during President Donald Trump’s tenure, shameful treatment During Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky’s visit to the Oval Office that same month, even the most unsuspecting Europeans had to face an unsettling truth: under Trump, the United States was no longer aligned with them.
Certainly, Trump’s unpredictable nature opens up possibilities for abrupt changes in policy, especially concerning those authoritarian leaders he publicly respects. recent criticism Regarding Vladimir Putin, there seems to be increasing frustration due to his reluctance to consent to a ceasefire in Ukraine. Likewise, Donald Trump has become notably distanced himself as demonstrated by statements from Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, evident through his approaches towards Iran and multibillion-dollar AI-chip deals with the Gulf states.
It is evident that the transatlantic partnership now faces one of its most challenging phases yet—more so even than during Trump’s initial tenure. Unlike before, where criticisms were often directed at individual nations or their leaderships, under Trump, these assaults extended directly towards the European Union as a whole. His disdain for the EU stems from it being a supra-national entity grounded in liberalism—a stark contrast to his own nationalistic ideology. To Trump, both the EU and NATO have allowed Europe to exploit America’s generosity for far too long.
However, framing the developing rift between North America and Europe through a geopolitical lens is misleading. This division stems from differing ideologies rather than strategic differences. One camp supports an illiberal, radical agenda spearheaded by Trump and his European supporters; conversely, the opposing group aims to uphold liberal democratic values grounded in the Enlightenment ideals of the eighteenth century, which have steered Western policy since World War II.
Trump’s administration and supporters promote ideas, ranging from nationalist populism to Silicon Valley libertarianism, that resonate in Europe, where leaders like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, Slovakia’s Robert Fico, Italy’s Giorgia Meloni (who has, however, moderated her rhetoric since taking office in 2022), and various opposition parties champion similar illiberal views.
Certainly, to confirm, Romanians have lately rejected The far-right contender George Simion was defeated in favor of his pro-EU liberal rival, Nicușor Dan; however, Europe's political scene continues to evolve. In Poland, voters might choose a president supported by the far-right Law and Justice Party, and there has been significant Russian intervention—especially notable in Romania's elections. well-documented . As French President Emmanuel Macron noted In January, the worldwide coalition of far-right populist movements signals the rise of a "reactionary international."
On the opposite side of Europe’s political spectrum are the leaders dedicated to upholding liberal democracy, including Macron and Germany's Chancellor. Friedrich Merz , British Prime Minister Keir Starmer (who led his party to a significant electoral win, ending 14 continuous years of Conservative governance), Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk ; and European Commission Chair Ursula von der Leyen Their nearest ideological equivalents in the U.S. consist of centrist Republicans and moderate Democrats. Centrists on the Republican side have mostly vanished from the political landscape, whereas moderates within the Democratic party still find themselves scattered, unorganized, and lacking strong leadership following Trump’s re-election.
As the liberal-democratic camp struggles to regroup, its illiberal adversaries are proving far more coordinated. For years, far-right intellectuals and politicians on both sides of the Atlantic have engaged in frequent and intense exchanges over shared grievances, such as immigration and the perceived moral decay of the West. French author and conspiracy theorist Renaud Camus – especially his “Great Replacement” conspiracy theory – has been widely embraced by the U.S. extreme right Trump-aligned politicians .
So far, attempts to create a transatlantic "populist international" have shown minimal success, largely due to conflicting practical interests among these groups. However, this didn’t stop Trump from extending invitations to several individuals. prominent figures From Europe’s extreme right wing—including Reform UK head Nigel Farage, controversial far-right politician and Reconquête founder Eric Zemmour, and Germany’s Alternative for Deutschland member Alice Weidel—all the way up to his swearing-in ceremony. In numerous respects, Donald Trump acts as a unifying symbol connecting these typically separate factions.
Liberals have not matched the strategic concentration of their non-liberal rivals. Over many years, connections between Western democracies developed organically via well-established pathways and organizations, with governmental heads reinforcing their common democratic principles when meeting officially. The past US President Obama was an example of this. Joe Biden ’s rousing speech On the shores of Normandy during the 80th commemoration of D-Day, where he praised the values of liberty and democratic governance, serves as a perfect illustration.
Since liberal principles formed the basis of the international system led by the West, there seemed to be minimal necessity for extensive contemplation or discussion regarding the significance of democracy and human rights. Liberalism functioned akin to water in an aquarium: crucial but unnoticed by the inhabitants. Academics, authors, and leading voices from mainstream media in the West navigated these waters unquestioningly, adhering to the established paradigm.
As figures such as Trump, Orbán, and other extreme right-wing populists have risen to power, traditional beliefs can no longer be assumed. Liberals who favor democracy now need to revisit fundamental concepts and swiftly renew conversations among centrists across North America and Europe. Political leaders shouldn’t just offer token acts of solidarity but should actively collaborate with aligned thinkers, media professionals, and policy makers to promote exchange and assist in developing a unified democratic outlook for tomorrow.
A lot needs addressing: What strategies can persuade young voters about the lasting importance of democracy and legal norms instead of being swayed by appealing authoritarian figures? How do we craft economic policies that benefit workers yet avoid disrupting global trade networks or hastening environmental degradation? Additionally, what approaches should progressives take regarding migration challenges? Conversations between Europe and North America on these topics might prove crucial for rejuvenating liberal principles and formulating political agendas robust enough to uphold democratic systems in the coming decades.
Laurence Nardon serves as the Head of the Americas Program at the French Institute of International Relations.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2025. www.project-syndicate.org
Provided by Syndigate Media Inc. ( Syndigate.info ).
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